Wednesday 30 May 2018

Exploitation



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Submitting the below considerations, I have joined the discussion in the comment section of this blog post: Marx’s labour theory of value and exploitation under capitalism


It appears that the meaning of “exploitation” most prominent in Marx’s thinking amounts to “the inadequate remuneration of a producer”, or “an insufficient share of the producer in the value of his output”.

However, the meaning of this concept of “exploitation”, and most alternative denotations of it, are open to contestation under innumerable circumstances. In fact, in a free society (which communism promises to be) people will have and — as we will see below — amply exercise the right of debating whether or not they are affected by “exploitation”.

Even if it were possible to unequivocally distinguish capital from labour and prove that value is only created by labour, the issue of exploitation would remain indeterminate/open to contestation

This is because no production is possible without engaging in social relationships characterised by differential power among the participants. Whenever differential power prevails amongst a group of humans there is the possibility of divergent assessments of processes and outcomes brought about by activities involving dominance, subordination, and dependency. Exploitation in Marx’s sense is a variant, an element, one hypothesis among others in a large set of possible evaluations of power-based production. People, not Marx, will decide if his conception is useful. When free to follow their own assessment they tend to dismiss Marx.

For Marx’s elementary error is to assume that power is a historically specific attribute of capitalist social relations (and earlier historical stages) but will no longer play a role in the future — under communism. 

Even if labour ensures for itself sole possession and the exclusive right of disposition of the means of production, at once power relationships will emerge among the labourers. There will be competition for power accompanied by all phenomena associated with such a clash of interests (from contented obedience to mobbing and revolt). This is clearly borne out by experiments with worker cooperatives and grand scale attempts at communism.

Marx was hopelessly naïve concerning this unsuspected cornerstone (the ineradicable role of power in production) of his shaky theoretical cathedral. His oversight has cost millions of people their lives.
Marx was unable to follow the concept of power to a sufficiently high level of abstraction.

Insinuating a benign power vacuum under communism, he paved the way for ruthless power-seekers who imposed their repressive and self-serving agenda on the people under the pretence of abolishing “exploitation”.

The functional division of labour in modern complex production processes justifies differentiation of categories like capital(ist), management, labour (and still further distinctions), while the production of value requires cooperation within and among these groups, giving inevitably rise to conflicts that may be couched in terms of “exploitation” (“my share in managerial decision power/pecuniary remuneration/protection from work hazards etc. is inadequate relative to the value I produce.” “No, it isn’t.” “Yes, it is!”). Admission and expression of such conflicts may be suppressed (as under communism) but their ongoing occurrence cannot be conjured away, except in theory, which is the path that Marx chose.

Incidentally, anarcho-capitalists fall prey to a similar error. Thinking that unfettered freedom will give rise to processes free of power and the need to conquer and defend incumbent power — in a word: politics. Thus, they dream of a society without politics, when in fact freedom presupposes politics as a means to establish a power structure capable of supporting a society where liberty thrives to the most feasible extent. For individual freedom to prevail a lot of individual freedom has to be restricted and much space must be gained for collective rights and decisions. In fact, freedom encourages dissent and therefore the management of conflict (a central task of politics), including forms of conflict-suppression, is essential for liberty.

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