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For the time being, this post is available only in English. A German summary may be added later.
I have left this comment and link at Carlin Economics and Science:
Living in Germany, arguably the country most affected by alarmist irrationality, I have been pondering for a long time why my fellow-citizens are proving particularly susceptible to the green mania. Unlike the US, in Germany the population is nearly unanimously in favour of alarmism and the attendant irrational policies, notably the "Energiewende" ("the energy turn", meaning the ill-advised, coercive push towards "renewables" at the expense of proven energy sources). Enthused popular compliance amounts to a religious unity among Germans more pervasive in my impression than the Christian faith that prevailed widely among Germans until its steep decline from the 1960s on. Here is a post (including pertinent further posts at the end), in which I propose a number of hypotheses concerning the nature of green irrationality in Germany.
http://quaesivi.blogspot.de/2018/01/germanys-vicious-green-circle-country.html
Fluidity and Change in German Political Thinking
What I find interesting is the high degree of fluidity and change in people's faiths during the period from the fin de siècle (1890-1914) through to today. But there is a constant too, as we will see. At the end of the century, allegiance of the German people to the emperor was still strong, and veneration of monarchist-aristocratic authority was common. 15 years later, this belief had perished. After the First World War — another cataclysmic mania inflicted by Germany's rulers on their gullible people — the spectrum of ideological diversity became a lot wider as well as pretty manifold.
The New Spectrum
What I find interesting is the high degree of fluidity and change in people's faiths during the period from the fin de siècle (1890-1914) through to today. But there is a constant too, as we will see. At the end of the century, allegiance of the German people to the emperor was still strong, and veneration of monarchist-aristocratic authority was common. 15 years later, this belief had perished. After the First World War — another cataclysmic mania inflicted by Germany's rulers on their gullible people — the spectrum of ideological diversity became a lot wider as well as pretty manifold.
The New Spectrum
The new faiths represented in many ways substantial deviations from the thinking of the imperial period, even though liberalism and a commitment to democracy, perhaps the most radical antitheses of authoritarian monarchism, did not find wide-spread support in the population.
The authoritarian traditions lingered on in the far more popular nationalist and communist creeds. Both pursued totalitarian and dictatorial objectives, relying effectively on personality cults. Both preached violence – domestically as well as against other nations and peoples – as a desirable means of attaining their goals.
Social democracy spanned the extremes of liberal democracy, nationalism, and socialism. The most beneficial strand within it prepared — unbeknownst to the pioneers — the golden age of social democracy between 1945 and 1975. This was achieved by absorbing what remained valid in liberalism: the protection of the individual and other features of a free society, including trust in the ability of capitalism to develop into a socially progressive regime if properly monitored and guided. This school of social democracy also realised that the state — dogmatically distrusted and hence underestimated in its benign potential by liberalism — had become wealthy and powerful enough to be able to lift freedom to a higher level, notably in providing protection of the masses against economic crises, unemployment and poverty.
Huge Leaps of Faith
Social democracy spanned the extremes of liberal democracy, nationalism, and socialism. The most beneficial strand within it prepared — unbeknownst to the pioneers — the golden age of social democracy between 1945 and 1975. This was achieved by absorbing what remained valid in liberalism: the protection of the individual and other features of a free society, including trust in the ability of capitalism to develop into a socially progressive regime if properly monitored and guided. This school of social democracy also realised that the state — dogmatically distrusted and hence underestimated in its benign potential by liberalism — had become wealthy and powerful enough to be able to lift freedom to a higher level, notably in providing protection of the masses against economic crises, unemployment and poverty.
Huge Leaps of Faith
Up to this point we already observe huge leaps of faith, from imperial autocracy to democracy; from a belief in a naturally stratified hierarchy of estates and classes to the egalitarianism contained in liberalism, social democracy, communism and even in some of the promises central to radical nationalism; from Christianity to the anticlerical and atheistic stance of the Left.
The Crux
But the time had certainly not arrived yet, when the people at large felt comfortable with the natural tensions inherent in a pluralistic democracy. People did not understand that political competition was vital, that incompatible beliefs should be welcomed — and that instead only political processes should be feared that fail to offer competing political camps vistas of compromise capable of advancing the interests of all in the long term far more successfully than a knockout format with room for only one winner.
The Totalitarian Constant
But the time had certainly not arrived yet, when the people at large felt comfortable with the natural tensions inherent in a pluralistic democracy. People did not understand that political competition was vital, that incompatible beliefs should be welcomed — and that instead only political processes should be feared that fail to offer competing political camps vistas of compromise capable of advancing the interests of all in the long term far more successfully than a knockout format with room for only one winner.
The Totalitarian Constant
The diversity of new faiths unleashed since the nation's breakdown at the end of the First World War produced ideological affiliations that combined parochialism (of the preferred view) with zealotry, both features pushing for the absolute dominance of one worldview and the elimination of competing planks. That explains why democracy had no chance in the Weimar Republic, where radical forces as a whole were popular perhaps by even a clear majority.
While national socialism may not have been condoned 100% by all Germans, certainly a large part of the population identified strongly with a number of key promises of the movement. Among some of the most appealing of such features must have been the uncompromising rejection of democracy and pluralism by the NSDAP (Hitler's party).
The Hankering for Gleichschaltung
The Hankering for Gleichschaltung
People could not comprehend what good it would do to have a country split by numerous mutually exclusive political philosophies. It seemed evident that order, efficiency, peaceful unity and national strength could only be brought about by advancing to power and dominance a single outlook of exclusive validity. To their adherents, each of the radical forces (especially national socialists and communists) appeared to offer the needed solution.
The country was ready to undermine freshly attained democracy because a Gleichschaltung of some sort or the other — a unification of all Germans under the umbrella of a common set of convictions and corresponding orders — was, perhaps only latently with many, yet still very powerfully longed for by the broad masses. And this is what swept Hitler to power.
Totalitarian Dispositions After the the Second World War
The country was ready to undermine freshly attained democracy because a Gleichschaltung of some sort or the other — a unification of all Germans under the umbrella of a common set of convictions and corresponding orders — was, perhaps only latently with many, yet still very powerfully longed for by the broad masses. And this is what swept Hitler to power.
Totalitarian Dispositions After the the Second World War
The dislike for democracy and pluralism manged to linger on after the war and has produced generations of politically influential personalities that thrive on and seek political uniformity.
The Studentenbewegung (student's movement) of the 1960s was a revival of a radical revolt against democracy and an open society, spearheading a totalitarian society under the auspices of Marxism. The long march through the institutions, announced in the dying days of the student's movement, did take place after all with resounding success, staffing vital institutions from the governmental level to our schools and universities with people still driven by a yearning akin to that which transformed the Weimar Republic into the Third Reich.
How Post-War Political Beliefs Were Rendered Topsy-Turvy After the 1970s
The most prominent convictions characterising German politics in the first thirty years of the post-war period have all but disappeared. A politics justified with reference to the Christian faith, once the hallmark of the CDU, the party of Konrad Adenauer, Ludwig Ehrhard and the Wirtschaftswunder (the miraculous post-war economic upturn in Germany), would come over as a risqué joke in today's Germany, or shall we say, blasphemous in terms of new religious standards. Equally, the signature concern of the second large political party in post-war Germany, the SPD, is no more discernible in its rhetoric and actions: balancing the interests of capital and labour.
The Decline of the Churches
Today, Germany's foremost churches — the catholic and the protestant — have turned into mere branches of the green cult, otherwise peddling a hotchpotch of ideas that have come to (re)define what is nowadays called the Left (which has no association anymore with the prime concern of the former Left, i.e. to represent and defend the interests of ordinary working people).
Awkwardly, Germany has become a country that is anticlerical and highly intolerant of the indigenous Christian churches, while teaching people to be anxious — almost to the point of subservience — to express respect and admiration for culturally foreign faiths, even if these condone practises wildly contrary to the demands of political correctness in Germany.
The growing disgust with traditional German churches among the populace may have prompted church authorities to de-emphasise apolitical religious tenets and dogmas and instead give increasing prominence in their teachings to the more popular political and quasi-religious fashions of the day.
The Disappearance of Christian Conservatism and Social Democracy
By and large, the churches have fused their doctrinal programmes with fashionable leftism and the green cult.
This has been paralleled by the abandonment of core convictions of Christian conservatism in Germany which used to lend a unique profile to the CDU (Christlich Demokratische Union — Christian Democratic Union), which takes turns with the SPD (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands — Social Democratic Party of Germany) in being Germany's largest political party.
There is no such thing as Christian conservatism in Germany anymore.
No less remarkable a switch of faith has occurred in the social democratic party, which has completely abandoned its working class clientele. Instead the party has fallen for unadulterated neo-liberalism hook, line, and sinker.
Gone is the SPD's commitment to full employment and the economics and policy of Keynesian demand-management.
Indeed, all of the parties that call the shots in Germany, including the Green party, have converged during the 1990s to now firmly embrace neo-liberalism. One of the many major shifts in politics that keep occurring in the absence of parliamentary opposition worthy of the name ...
Green Energy I
The Greens are proving to be particularly adept at conquering the deep state, running government departments, drafting bills, operating well concealed and unburdened by political accountability through endowments, spectacularly privileged NGOs etc. and, not least, through the undemocratic institutions of the European Union which have become another major network of bypass roads for special interests around democracy.
CDU und SPD Launch Pads for Special Interests
The other parties, especially CDU and SPD strike me as being dominated by activists in pursuit of opportunistic interests; these parties are like a launching pad for initiatives that require the support of political power. Other than conservation of institutional features (unending Grand Coalitions e.g.) that keep politicians and lobbyist shielded from challenges and scrutiny (that is the heart of their commitment to the EU), CDU and SPD do not seem to offer an ideological profile. Their activists have no convictions, only interests.
Green Energy II
This is different with the Greens. They are deeply religious, which makes them rather effective in rebuilding the political system and ultimately the economy and society at large. CDU and SPD activists have nothing to defend other than their immediate interests. They simply follow the paths paved by the country's Green lead management, partly because green tactics are successful in mobilising support from a population with a high affinity to eco-religious beliefs especially when they come with anti-capitalist flavours, and partly because in the absence of firmly held alternative faiths, the devout Greens have won the privilege to define the Zeitgeist in Germany by default. They are the only ones who are driven by a vision of life in a new society.
Delivering on a Craving for Uncontested Leadership
They are the only ones capable of delivering to the German population what it craves more than anything in the political realm, as our little survey is trying to demonstrate: leadership by and subordination under a worldview that everyone shares.
While switching faiths, Germans have remained true to their penchant for a promise that only a totalitarian vision of society can make.
A Taste for Totalitarian Unity
How Post-War Political Beliefs Were Rendered Topsy-Turvy After the 1970s
The most prominent convictions characterising German politics in the first thirty years of the post-war period have all but disappeared. A politics justified with reference to the Christian faith, once the hallmark of the CDU, the party of Konrad Adenauer, Ludwig Ehrhard and the Wirtschaftswunder (the miraculous post-war economic upturn in Germany), would come over as a risqué joke in today's Germany, or shall we say, blasphemous in terms of new religious standards. Equally, the signature concern of the second large political party in post-war Germany, the SPD, is no more discernible in its rhetoric and actions: balancing the interests of capital and labour.
The Decline of the Churches
Today, Germany's foremost churches — the catholic and the protestant — have turned into mere branches of the green cult, otherwise peddling a hotchpotch of ideas that have come to (re)define what is nowadays called the Left (which has no association anymore with the prime concern of the former Left, i.e. to represent and defend the interests of ordinary working people).
Awkwardly, Germany has become a country that is anticlerical and highly intolerant of the indigenous Christian churches, while teaching people to be anxious — almost to the point of subservience — to express respect and admiration for culturally foreign faiths, even if these condone practises wildly contrary to the demands of political correctness in Germany.
The growing disgust with traditional German churches among the populace may have prompted church authorities to de-emphasise apolitical religious tenets and dogmas and instead give increasing prominence in their teachings to the more popular political and quasi-religious fashions of the day.
The Disappearance of Christian Conservatism and Social Democracy
By and large, the churches have fused their doctrinal programmes with fashionable leftism and the green cult.
This has been paralleled by the abandonment of core convictions of Christian conservatism in Germany which used to lend a unique profile to the CDU (Christlich Demokratische Union — Christian Democratic Union), which takes turns with the SPD (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands — Social Democratic Party of Germany) in being Germany's largest political party.
There is no such thing as Christian conservatism in Germany anymore.
No less remarkable a switch of faith has occurred in the social democratic party, which has completely abandoned its working class clientele. Instead the party has fallen for unadulterated neo-liberalism hook, line, and sinker.
Gone is the SPD's commitment to full employment and the economics and policy of Keynesian demand-management.
Indeed, all of the parties that call the shots in Germany, including the Green party, have converged during the 1990s to now firmly embrace neo-liberalism. One of the many major shifts in politics that keep occurring in the absence of parliamentary opposition worthy of the name ...
Green Energy I
The Greens are proving to be particularly adept at conquering the deep state, running government departments, drafting bills, operating well concealed and unburdened by political accountability through endowments, spectacularly privileged NGOs etc. and, not least, through the undemocratic institutions of the European Union which have become another major network of bypass roads for special interests around democracy.
CDU und SPD Launch Pads for Special Interests
The other parties, especially CDU and SPD strike me as being dominated by activists in pursuit of opportunistic interests; these parties are like a launching pad for initiatives that require the support of political power. Other than conservation of institutional features (unending Grand Coalitions e.g.) that keep politicians and lobbyist shielded from challenges and scrutiny (that is the heart of their commitment to the EU), CDU and SPD do not seem to offer an ideological profile. Their activists have no convictions, only interests.
Green Energy II
This is different with the Greens. They are deeply religious, which makes them rather effective in rebuilding the political system and ultimately the economy and society at large. CDU and SPD activists have nothing to defend other than their immediate interests. They simply follow the paths paved by the country's Green lead management, partly because green tactics are successful in mobilising support from a population with a high affinity to eco-religious beliefs especially when they come with anti-capitalist flavours, and partly because in the absence of firmly held alternative faiths, the devout Greens have won the privilege to define the Zeitgeist in Germany by default. They are the only ones who are driven by a vision of life in a new society.
Delivering on a Craving for Uncontested Leadership
They are the only ones capable of delivering to the German population what it craves more than anything in the political realm, as our little survey is trying to demonstrate: leadership by and subordination under a worldview that everyone shares.
While switching faiths, Germans have remained true to their penchant for a promise that only a totalitarian vision of society can make.
A Taste for Totalitarian Unity
In other posts, I have noted the predilection of the culturally dominant ideology in present day Germany — the green religion as I dare call it — for simple, generally valid views and solutions, which are grouchily held by their adepts to be impervious against refutation, while attempts at criticism are regarded by them to be sacrilegious.
Structures of Gleichschaltung in Germany are nowadays organised around the Energiewende and its pseudo-scientific narratives. It is more than telling that this regime is adamantly advertising the merits of uniformity. "The science is settled". "There is no alternative" to our approach. "97% of all scientists share our views". This is the language of a closed society, of ordained political correctness, of men unified by mass-produced views copied into their consciousness from a collectivising mindset.
Being rich enough, Germans can probably afford to waste their money on the Energiewende. Eventually they may turn out pragmatic enough to discard the White Elephant. But what damage will this maniacal episode have done to the quality of politics and the political system in Germany — to tolerance, pluralism, and democracy? Have we managed to prepare yet another generation for totalitarian aspirations?
Deutsche Zusammenfassung: (In Arbeit, unvollendet, unredigiert)
Seit Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts hat die deutsche Bevölkerung eine vielfältige Folge von politischen Überzeugungen angenommen und abgelegt. Kaisertreue und antiaristokratischer Internationalismus. Vom Glaube an die natürliche Ordnung der Stäne und Klassen zum Streben nach der klassenlosen Gesellschaft. Christentum und politischer Atheismus. Führerprinzip und Rassismus versus Gleichheitsideal. In der Zeit der Weimarerer Republik treten Liberalsismus, Demokratie und Pluralismus hinzu. Größeren Zuspruch in der Bevölkerung finden die totalitären Gesellschaftsentwürfe des Nationalsozialismus und des Marxismus/Kommunismus. Das fehlende Verständnis für Demokratie und Pluralismus fixiert die Bevölkerung auf die Suche nach einer unangefochtenen, alleine dominierenden politischen Philosophie. Das macht den Nationalsozialismus stark, der sich gegen seinen totalitären Konkurrent, den Kommunismus, schließlich durchsetzt.
Nach dem Zusammenbruch des Dritten Reichs erfahren die demokratisch-pluralistischen Kräfte, die in der Weimarerer Republik wenig Unterstützung im Volk gefunden hatten, einen Aufschwung im Schutze der Besatzungsmächte. Doch schon zwanzig Jahre nach dem Kriegsende beginnen totalitär gesonnene Kräfte das politische Gesicht des Landes zu prägen: die marxistisch-kommunistische Studentenbewegung, aus dessenDoktrinen sich schließlich ein neues weltanschauliches Paradigma herausschält, das die kurze Herrschaft des demokratisch-pluralistischen Modells der Sozialdemokratie (mit Einfärbungen des Liberalismus und des christlichen Konservatismus) seit den 1990er Jahren ablöst. Das grüne Paradigma übernimmt narrative Strukturen des in Deutschland inzwischen niedergehenden Chrstentums und den Antikapitalismus des weltweit dessavourierten Kommunismus. Der christliche Konservatismus, der einst der CDU ein klares Profil gegeben hatte, tritt von der politischen Bühne ab. Das gleiche gilt für die klassische Sozialdemokratie der SPD, für die der Ausgleich der Interessen zwischen Kapital und Arbeit, Vollbeschäftigung und eine keynsianische Wirtschaftspolitik des krisenentschärfenden Nachfragemanagement das zentrale Anliegen war.
CDU und SPD repräsentieren keinen eigenständigen weltanschaulichen Standpunkt mehr, sondern wirken als Zugangswege zur politischen Macht für die verschiedensten Sonderintressen.
Alle Parteien, einschließlich der SPD und der Grünen, vertreten inzwischen den Standpunkt des Neoliberalismus. Überdies sind ie gemeinsam darauf bedacht, ihren Einfluss durch Schwächung des Pluralismus und der Demokratie zu vergrößern. Daher rührt auch ihre enthusiastische Unterstützung des neoliberalen EU-Projekts, dessen Institutionen von demokratischer Kontrolle und anderen Formen transparenter Rechenschaftspflicht befreit sind. Das institutionelle Geflecht der EU eignet sich vorzüglich dazu, die Sonderinteressen ihres Lobbiystenklientels zu bedienen.
Die einzige politische Gruppe, die eine weltanschauliche Vision besitzt und mit messianischem Feuereifer verfolgt, sind die Grünen. Wie CDU und SPD haben auch die zwei großen deutschen Kirchen, die protestantische und die katholische, ihre früheren apolitisch religiösen Programmatik gegen grüne Inhalte und neuere politische Auffassungen aus dem Modekatalog der regressiven Linken ausgetauscht.
Die geistige Führung in Deutschland liegt einzig und allein bei den Grünen. Die deutsche Bevölkerung identifiziert sich sehr stark mit dem grünen Weltbild. Vor allem die Akzeptanz der grünen Grundüberzeugung von der unüberwindlichen Sündhaftigkeit des Menschen, der seinem Wesen nach auf Naturzerstörung versessen ist, sorgt dafür, dass die Nachfrage nach Führung durch grüngesonnene Herrscher nicht versiegt. Mit jedem fingierten Skandal steigert sich die Empörung des Volks und ihre Rufe nach grünene Gegenmaßnahmen schrillen durch das Land.
Die Konstante im politischen Trachten der Deutschen während des betrachteten Zeitraums (1890-2018) ist ihr Vertrauen in autoritäre Kaiserreich) und totalitäre Gesellschaftsentwürfe (Nationalsozialismus, Kommunismus). Das grüne Versprechen der Errettung der Welt vom apokalyptischen Untergang ist dem virgespiegelten Anlass gemäß dringlich und unversöhnlich und immt daher ganz natürlich titalitäre Elemente in sich auf: die Zeit für Diskussionen ist vorüber, unsere wissenschaftliche Basis ist unanfechtbar und stellt die endgültige Wahrheit dar, praktisch alle Wissenschaftler (97%) stehen auf unserer Seite, Abweichler sind gefährliche, verdammenswerte Diversanten.
Deutschland sieht sich als Weltführer im Kampf gegen eine vermeindliche menschenerzeugte katastrophale Erderwärmung.
Was sich zeigt ist die Bereitschaft, sich als geschlossene Volksgemeinschaft unter der Führung eines die Reihen lückenlos schließenden Glaubensbekenntnisses sich dem Erreichen eines Endziels bedingungslos zu v erschreiben.
Deutsche Zusammenfassung: (In Arbeit, unvollendet, unredigiert)
Seit Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts hat die deutsche Bevölkerung eine vielfältige Folge von politischen Überzeugungen angenommen und abgelegt. Kaisertreue und antiaristokratischer Internationalismus. Vom Glaube an die natürliche Ordnung der Stäne und Klassen zum Streben nach der klassenlosen Gesellschaft. Christentum und politischer Atheismus. Führerprinzip und Rassismus versus Gleichheitsideal. In der Zeit der Weimarerer Republik treten Liberalsismus, Demokratie und Pluralismus hinzu. Größeren Zuspruch in der Bevölkerung finden die totalitären Gesellschaftsentwürfe des Nationalsozialismus und des Marxismus/Kommunismus. Das fehlende Verständnis für Demokratie und Pluralismus fixiert die Bevölkerung auf die Suche nach einer unangefochtenen, alleine dominierenden politischen Philosophie. Das macht den Nationalsozialismus stark, der sich gegen seinen totalitären Konkurrent, den Kommunismus, schließlich durchsetzt.
Nach dem Zusammenbruch des Dritten Reichs erfahren die demokratisch-pluralistischen Kräfte, die in der Weimarerer Republik wenig Unterstützung im Volk gefunden hatten, einen Aufschwung im Schutze der Besatzungsmächte. Doch schon zwanzig Jahre nach dem Kriegsende beginnen totalitär gesonnene Kräfte das politische Gesicht des Landes zu prägen: die marxistisch-kommunistische Studentenbewegung, aus dessenDoktrinen sich schließlich ein neues weltanschauliches Paradigma herausschält, das die kurze Herrschaft des demokratisch-pluralistischen Modells der Sozialdemokratie (mit Einfärbungen des Liberalismus und des christlichen Konservatismus) seit den 1990er Jahren ablöst. Das grüne Paradigma übernimmt narrative Strukturen des in Deutschland inzwischen niedergehenden Chrstentums und den Antikapitalismus des weltweit dessavourierten Kommunismus. Der christliche Konservatismus, der einst der CDU ein klares Profil gegeben hatte, tritt von der politischen Bühne ab. Das gleiche gilt für die klassische Sozialdemokratie der SPD, für die der Ausgleich der Interessen zwischen Kapital und Arbeit, Vollbeschäftigung und eine keynsianische Wirtschaftspolitik des krisenentschärfenden Nachfragemanagement das zentrale Anliegen war.
CDU und SPD repräsentieren keinen eigenständigen weltanschaulichen Standpunkt mehr, sondern wirken als Zugangswege zur politischen Macht für die verschiedensten Sonderintressen.
Alle Parteien, einschließlich der SPD und der Grünen, vertreten inzwischen den Standpunkt des Neoliberalismus. Überdies sind ie gemeinsam darauf bedacht, ihren Einfluss durch Schwächung des Pluralismus und der Demokratie zu vergrößern. Daher rührt auch ihre enthusiastische Unterstützung des neoliberalen EU-Projekts, dessen Institutionen von demokratischer Kontrolle und anderen Formen transparenter Rechenschaftspflicht befreit sind. Das institutionelle Geflecht der EU eignet sich vorzüglich dazu, die Sonderinteressen ihres Lobbiystenklientels zu bedienen.
Die einzige politische Gruppe, die eine weltanschauliche Vision besitzt und mit messianischem Feuereifer verfolgt, sind die Grünen. Wie CDU und SPD haben auch die zwei großen deutschen Kirchen, die protestantische und die katholische, ihre früheren apolitisch religiösen Programmatik gegen grüne Inhalte und neuere politische Auffassungen aus dem Modekatalog der regressiven Linken ausgetauscht.
Die geistige Führung in Deutschland liegt einzig und allein bei den Grünen. Die deutsche Bevölkerung identifiziert sich sehr stark mit dem grünen Weltbild. Vor allem die Akzeptanz der grünen Grundüberzeugung von der unüberwindlichen Sündhaftigkeit des Menschen, der seinem Wesen nach auf Naturzerstörung versessen ist, sorgt dafür, dass die Nachfrage nach Führung durch grüngesonnene Herrscher nicht versiegt. Mit jedem fingierten Skandal steigert sich die Empörung des Volks und ihre Rufe nach grünene Gegenmaßnahmen schrillen durch das Land.
Die Konstante im politischen Trachten der Deutschen während des betrachteten Zeitraums (1890-2018) ist ihr Vertrauen in autoritäre Kaiserreich) und totalitäre Gesellschaftsentwürfe (Nationalsozialismus, Kommunismus). Das grüne Versprechen der Errettung der Welt vom apokalyptischen Untergang ist dem virgespiegelten Anlass gemäß dringlich und unversöhnlich und immt daher ganz natürlich titalitäre Elemente in sich auf: die Zeit für Diskussionen ist vorüber, unsere wissenschaftliche Basis ist unanfechtbar und stellt die endgültige Wahrheit dar, praktisch alle Wissenschaftler (97%) stehen auf unserer Seite, Abweichler sind gefährliche, verdammenswerte Diversanten.
Deutschland sieht sich als Weltführer im Kampf gegen eine vermeindliche menschenerzeugte katastrophale Erderwärmung.
Was sich zeigt ist die Bereitschaft, sich als geschlossene Volksgemeinschaft unter der Führung eines die Reihen lückenlos schließenden Glaubensbekenntnisses sich dem Erreichen eines Endziels bedingungslos zu v erschreiben.
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