Showing posts with label Deflation. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Deflation. Show all posts

Thursday, 24 January 2019

Europe, Sick Man of the World Economy — Europa, kranker Mann der Weltwirtschaft?

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Zwei Zitate: Bridgewater vermutet, dass die nächste Krise von Europa ausgehen wird, und Draghi bestätigt prompt wenige Tage später, dass das Wirtschaftswachstum in Europa zunehmenden Risiken ausgesetzt sei.

Two quotes: Bridgewater suspects that the next crisis will emerge from Europe, and just a few days later Draghi confirms that economic growth in Europe is facing increased risks.


Quote 1:

And while Bridgewater is clearly bearish on developed markets such as the US  [... c]uriously, Jensen does not believe the next market swoon will emerge from the US; instead he said "European markets will be the first test" as the region is "starting from a worse level in terms of the economy, lower inflation - close to deflation in many places - and already have negative interest rates" adding that "their movement will be kind of a leading indicator because they’re going to struggle more with easing” than the U.S. or China, which have "more tools available to them."

The source.


Quote 2:

"The risks surrounding the euro area growth outlook have moved to the downside on account of the persistence of uncertainties related to geopolitical factors and the threat of protectionism, vulnerabilities in emerging markets and financial market volatility"
As a reminder, in Draghi's last statement, the central banker said "the balance of risks is moving to the downside" confirming not only that the European economy is now on the verge of contraction, but that this chart, showing that the Eurozone is now effectively in a recession has not been lost on the ECB.



Friday, 18 January 2019

MMT: Not a Doctrine of Salvation — MMT: keine Heilslehre

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A post in English and German.

Ich begrüße MMT (Modern Monetary Theory) als eine wertvolle ökonomische Theorie, die uns hilft sowohl die Wirtschaft als auch die Fehler der herkömmlichen Wirtschaftslehre zu verstehen. Eines der wichtigsten Ergebnisse von MMT besagt, dass Konjunktursteuerung möglich ist und die Fiskalpolitik das wirkungsvollste Instrument hierfür ist. Es ist der Wirtschaftspolitik laut MMT möglich, Vollbeschäftigung zu gewährleisten, übermäßiger Inflation rechtzeitig entgegenzusteuern und die Wirtschaft auf dem Pfad ihres maximalen Potenzials zu halten. Das ist beeindruckend und wünschenswert, sofern die Aktivitäten, die durch die Fiskalpolitik unterstützt werden, unseren weltanschaulichen, politischen und moralischen Erwartungen entsprechen.

MMT ist insofern keine Heilslehre, als der Zweck, dem eine nach den Erkenntnissen dieser Wirtschaftslehre betriebene Wirtschaftspolitik dient, sich nicht schon aus der Doktrin ergibt, sondern von außen vorgegeben werden muss und leider auch verwerfliche, zumindest aber umstrittene Ziele umfassen kann. 

Der Neoliberalismus hingegen ist eine Heilslehre, insofern als er sich von der freien Marktwirtschaft eine Gesellschaft mit optimalen Eigenschaften verspricht. Er unterstellt also, dass die von ihm zugrunde liegende Wirtschaftstheorie bereits den Schlüssel zur bestmöglichen Gesellschaftsform enthält.

Ich stelle unten Links ein, die auf drei historische Beispiele verweisen, anhand derer zu erkennen ist, dass die Austeritätspolitik des Neoliberalismus wirtschaftlich verheerend ist. Seine Destruktivität ergibt sich aus seiner einseitigen Perspektive, die sich der Angebotsseite (d. h. besseren Bedingungen für Unternehmen) verschreibt, während sie die Nachfrageseite vernachlässigt (weil ihr die hierzu erforderlichen staatlichen Maßnahmen aus weltanschaulichen Gründen verdächtig oder zuwider sind). 

Das Beispiel des Deutschlands der 1930er Jahre zeigt jedoch, dass eine konjunkturpolitisch erfolgreiche Politik, die sich die Erkenntnisse von MMT zunutze macht oder so agiert, als täte sie dies, entsetzlichen Zielen dienen kann: Österreich der 1930er Jahre, Deutschland der 1930er Jahre und die EU heute.

English summary:

Modern Money Theory (MMT) is a welcome tool helping us to understand the economy and the errors of mainstream economics. MMT is a "manual" that tells us how to achieve full employment while keeping the economy on a path of realising its full potential, avoiding both (1) overheating and unacceptable inflation and (2) sub par performance and detrimental deflation, The instrument to achieve this is fiscal policy — government's ability to pump money in or out of the economy to stimulate aggregate demand or to throttle it. 

However, MMT is not a doctrine of salvation, but a description how the economy works, how macroeconomic crises can be avoided, keeping the economy on a steady path of success.

The purpose to which a MMT-driven fiscal policy ought to be directed cannot be ascertained and evaluated from the theory itself. 

Neoliberalism's analysis of the economy already contains in it the concept of the ideal society and the purported means of implementing it: let free markets rule and keep the government out of the economy and a good society will emerge. That is the doctrine of salvation inherent in neoliberalism, It derives from the one-sidedness of its economic point of view which only looks at the supply side (i. e. conditions conducive to firms) while being highly suspicious of, if not even inimical toward, the demand side of the economy (whose manipulation requires the kind of government interference ruled out by neoliberalism for ideological reasons).

I offer three links which, I think, illustrate that neoliberalism inevitably leads to highly detrimental austerity (as it by definition rules out massive fiscal policy intervention needed to keep an economy on a path of balanced progress): Austria in the 1930s and the EU today.

Unfortunately, fiscal space, whose possibility and effects are described by MMT, can be instrumentalised to support political goals and systems of the most objectionable kind, as we learn from the story of Germany in the 1930s.


Thursday, 10 January 2019

Fed's Defensive Rate Cut Sign of Recession — Defensive Zinssenkung verrät bevorstehende Rezession

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Der verräterischste Vorbote für eine Rezession ist nicht das Anziehen des Leitzins, sondern die erste Leitzinssenkung nach einer längeren Phase, in der die Zinsen wieder gestiegen sind/angehoben wurden.

Over the weekend, we pointed out a concerning statistic: it's not the rate hikes that stifle economic growth and send stocks sliding that traditionally telegraph the start of a recession - it's the first rate cut following a tightening cycle that is usually the trigger. Case in point: the last three recessions were all preceded with the Fed cutting, i.e., the Fed loosened policy within three months before the previous three recessions, cutting by 0.25% in 1991, 1.5% in 2001 and 0.5% in 2007.

Friday, 4 January 2019

Inside the Fed's Minds — Was die US-Zentralbanker wohl denken

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A Post in English and German.


Lance Roberts vermutet, dass die US-Zentralbank

entweder

zu wissen glaubt, dass die nächste Rezession bevorsteht und ihr Eintreten durch die Anhebungen des Leitzins vorgezogen werden wird, entscheidet sich aber für das kleinere von zwei Übeln, nämlich: einem möglichst kräftig gefülltem Schießpulverlager (möglichst hohem Zinsniveau), um der beschädigten Wirtschaft durch Zinssenkungen wieder auf die Beine zu helfen,

oder

die volkswirtschaftlichen Daten (übertrieben) positiv einschätzt und daraus die Überzeugung ableitet, die Wirtschaft in eine Hochkonjunktur zu steuern, die Inflation in den Griff zu bekommen und langfristiges Wachstum auf hohem Niveau zu gewährleisten.

  1. The Fed is absolutely aware the economy is closer to the next recession than not. They also know that hiking interest rates in the current environment will likely accelerate the next downturn. However, the “lesser of two evils” is to face the recession with the Fed funds rate as far from zero as possible, or;
  2. The Fed believes the economic data is indeed trending stronger and are overly confident in their ability to guide the U.S. economy into a “Goldilocks” type scenario where they can control inflationary pressures and growth rates to sustain a lasting economic cycle. 

Freilich scheint die Zentralbank inzwischen „kalte Füße“ bekommen zu haben angesichts der prekären Lage am Aktienmarkt, aber auch weil höhere Zinsen Gift sind für die hochverschuldeten Verbraucher und die Investment-Grade Unternehmen des Landes.

With the Fed continuing to tighten monetary policy, the screws are being twisted further on both households and speculative-grade corporate debt. It appears the markets have already begun to anticipate more defaults and are repricing risk accordingly.

Saturday, 29 December 2018

A 865 Point Swing, Short Covering, and Normality

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I am intrigued by the massive volatility associated with the recent lapse into bull market territory. This is an exciting time to follow the goings when markets appear to be involved in a struggle that might descide between (1) a not so dramatic development reflecting slower economic growth and (2) a bearish retreat that will come either in a spurt or linger on for rather a long period.


Writes Michael Snyder:


An 865 point swing in less than two hours is not “normal”.

In fact, it is about as far from “normal” as you can get.

Let’s talk about short covering for a moment. During huge market downturns, speculators often try to make a lot of money very rapidly by shorting stocks. But if momentum suddenly shifts, those short sellers can be caught with their pants down and the consequences can be quite dramatic. The following comes from Marketwatch

Indeed, market veterans warn that massive, one-day rallies are often more characteristic of downturns, occurring as selloffs lead to significantly oversold technical conditions that leave markets ripe for short covering only to give way to renewed selling once the frenzy of forced buying is exhausted. Investors who short a stock are essentially betting that its price will fall by first borrowing the shares, but those traders can be forced to buy shares back if prices suddenly swing higher, which, in turn, can amplify price swings.

In addition, it appears that on Thursday there was more of the “forced pension rebalancing” that Zero Hedge has been talking about

It certainly has the smell of a massive pension reallocation as the moment stocks started to surge, bonds were dumped…

No stock market crash in U.S. history has ever gone in a straight line. There are always huge ups and downs during every market crash, and this market crash is no exception.

Ultimately, there is no way that you can possibly interpret the behavior of the market in recent days as “healthy”

Monday, 10 December 2018

Europe à la EU - A Depression It Is Powerless to Lift



Every (economically literate) social democrat should have been able to foresee trouble of the kind described below by Wynne Godley long before the EU could have been instituted. The social democratic left ought to have enlightened the public about the danger posed by the envisioned EU-construction. The old social democracy should have offered itself as a major political force capable of averting the disastrous adventure engulfing Europe since the turn of the millennium.

If a government stops having its own currency, it doesn’t just give up “control over monetary policy” as normally understood; its spending powers also become constrained in an entirely new way. If a government does not have its own central bank on which it can draw cheques freely, its expenditures can be financed only by borrowing in the open market in competition with businesses, and this may prove excessively expensive or even impossible, particularly under “conditions of extreme emergency.” 
If Europe is not to have a full-scale budget of its own under the new arrangements it will still have, by default, a fiscal stance of its own made up of the individual budgets of component states. The danger, then, is that the budgetary restraint to which governments are individually committed will impart a disinflationary bias that locks Europe as a whole into a depression it is powerless to lift.

Saturday, 8 December 2018

Loanable Funds Theory and Financial Crowding Out

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Bill Mitchell offers an excellent exposition of the false loanable funds theory on which the inaccurate argument is based that government deficits supposedly locks out the private sector from sources of funding. 

In reality, a government's ability to finance its spending is unlimited. It neither requires government to bar out private investors from markets providing funds, nor does it inevitably cause interest rates to rise — in fact, it will tend to put downward pressure on the rate at which banks can borrow reserves. At the same time, the level of interest rates is controlled by government, who may or may not alter — at its discretion — the interest rate determined in the interbanking market.

In addition to this, the loanable funds theory (LFT) has a number of serious problems.

(1) LFT begs the question where the money comes from that savers are supposedly lending to banks which, according to LFT, in turn lend it on to investors. Of course, LFT does not have the right answer to that question, as it fails to account for the fact that ultimately new money is spent into existence by deficit spending government and banks empowered to issue credit money ex nihilo. 

(2) How is significant non-deflationary economic growth supposed to be brought about, when consumers turn into non-consumers by becoming lending savers. To put it less awkwardly: the funds that go into funding investments are no longer available to fuel effective demand. Logically related to this is the question:

(3) How are temporal lags avoided, when changing interest rates shift the relative proportions of investments and savings? And then there is the Achilles heel of classical economics: Say's Law (supply creates its own demand and thus equilibrium) — what is it that ensures correct investment decisions and successful implementation? It is not clear how changed interest rates per se achieve these twin requirements.

On a technical note, I am sick and tired of having to go through all that reformatting in Blogger that needs to be done when using the function that makes quotes visible by indentation. So, I italicise my writing, the remainder is the quoted piece


ooo


The normal presentation of the crowding out hypothesis, which is a central plank in the mainstream economics attack on government fiscal intervention is more accurately called financial crowding out.

At the heart of this conception is the theory of loanable funds, which is a aggregate construction of the way financial markets are meant to work in mainstream macroeconomic thinking. The original conception was designed to explain how aggregate demand could never fall short of aggregate supply because interest rate adjustments would always bring investment and saving into equality.

In Mankiw, which is representative, we are taken back in time, to the theories that were prevalent before being destroyed by the intellectual advances provided in Keynes’ General Theory. Mankiw assumes that it is reasonable to represent the financial system as the “market for loanable funds” where “all savers go to this market to deposit their savings, and all borrowers go to this market to get their loans. In this market, there is one interest rate, which is both the return to saving and the cost of borrowing.”

This is back in the pre-Keynesian world of the loanable funds doctrine (first developed by Wicksell).

This doctrine was a central part of the so-called classical model where perfectly flexible prices delivered self-adjusting, market-clearing aggregate markets at all times. If consumption fell, then saving would rise and this would not lead to an oversupply of goods because investment (capital goods production) would rise in proportion with saving.

So while the composition of output might change (workers would be shifted between the consumption goods sector to the capital goods sector), a full employment equilibrium was always maintained as long as price flexibility was not impeded. The interest rate became the vehicle to mediate saving and investment to ensure that there was never any gluts.

The following diagram shows the market for loanable funds.

The current real interest rate that balances supply (saving) and demand (investment) is 5 per cent (the equilibrium rate).

The supply of funds comes from those people who have some extra income they want to save and lend out.

The demand for funds comes from households and firms who wish to borrow to invest (houses, factories, equipment etc).

The interest rate is the price of the loan and the return on savings and thus the supply and demand curves (lines) take the shape they do.

Note that the entire analysis is in real terms with the real interest rate equal to the nominal rate minus the inflation rate.

This is because inflation “erodes the value of money” which has different consequences for savers and investors.

Mankiw claims that this “market works much like other markets in the economy” and thus argues that (p. 551):
The adjustment of the interest rate to the equilibrium occurs for the usual reasons. If the interest rate were lower than the equilibrium level, the quantity of loanable funds supplied would be less than the quantity of loanable funds demanded. The resulting shortage … would encourage lenders to raise the interest rate they charge.
The converse then follows if the interest rate is above the equilibrium.

loanable_funds_market

.

Mankiw also says that the “supply of loanable funds comes from national saving including both private saving and public saving.” Think about that for a moment.

Clearly private saving is stockpiled in financial assets somewhere in the system – maybe it remains in bank deposits maybe not. But it can be drawn down at some future point for consumption purposes.

Mankiw thinks that fiscal surpluses are akin to this. They are not even remotely like private saving. They actually destroy liquidity in the non-government sector (by destroying net financial assets held by that sector).

They squeeze the capacity of the non-government sector to spend and save. If there are no other behavioural changes in the economy to accompany the pursuit of fiscal surpluses, then as we will explain soon, income adjustments (as aggregate demand falls) wipe out non-government saving.

So this conception of a loanable funds market bears no relation to “any other market in the economy” despite the myths that Mankiw uses to brainwash the students who use the book and sit in the lectures.

Also reflect on the way the banking system operates – read Money multiplier and other myths if you are unsure.

The idea that banks sit there waiting for savers and then once they have their savings as deposits they then lend to investors is not even remotely like the way the banking system works.

This framework is then used to analyse fiscal policy impacts and the alleged negative consequences of fiscal deficits – the so-called financial crowding out – is derived.
Mankiw says:
One of the most pressing policy issues … has been the government budget deficit … In recent years, the U.S. federal government has run large budget deficits, resulting in a rapidly growing government debt. As a result, much public debate has centred on the effect of these deficits both on the allocation of the economy’s scarce resources and on long-term economic growth.
So what would happen if there is a fiscal deficit. Mankiw asks: “which curve shifts when the budget deficit rises?”

Consider the next diagram, which is used to answer this question. The mainstream paradigm argue that the supply curve shifts to S2.

Why does that happen? The twisted logic is as follows: national saving is the source of loanable funds and is composed (allegedly) of the sum of private and public saving. A rising fiscal deficit reduces public saving and available national saving.

The fiscal deficit doesn’t influence the demand for funds (allegedly) so that line remains unchanged.

The claimed impacts are: (a) “A budget deficit decreases the supply of loanable funds”; (b) “… which raises the interest rate”; (c) “… and reduces the equilibrium quantity of loanable funds”.

Mankiw says that:
The fall in investment because of the government borrowing is called crowding out …That is, when the government borrows to finance its budget deficit, it crowds out private borrowers who are trying to finance investment. Thus, the most basic lesson about budget deficits … When the government reduces national saving by running a budget deficit, the interest rate rises, and investment falls. Because investment is important for long-run economic growth, government budget deficits reduce the economy’s growth rate.

loanable_funds_market_budget_deficit


The analysis relies on layers of myths which have permeated the public space to become almost “self-evident truths”.

Sometimes, this makes is hard to know where to start in debunking it.
Obviously, national governments are not revenue-constrained so their borrowing is for other reasons – we have discussed this at length.

This trilogy of blog posts will help you understand this if you are new to my blog – Deficit spending 101 – Part 1 | Deficit spending 101 – Part 2 | Deficit spending 101 – Part 3.

But governments do borrow – for ideological reasons and to facilitate central bank operations – so doesn’t this increase the claim on saving and reduce the “loanable funds” available for investors? Does the competition for saving push up the interest rates?

The answer to both questions is no!

Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) does not claim that central bank interest rate hikes are not possible.

There is also the possibility that rising interest rates reduce aggregate demand via the balance between expectations of future returns on investments and the cost of implementing the projects being changed by the rising interest rates.

MMT proposes that the demand impact of interest rate rises are unclear and may not even be negative depending on rather complex distributional factors.

Remember that rising interest rates represent both a cost and a benefit depending on which side of the equation you are on.

Interest rate changes also influence aggregate demand – if at all – in an indirect fashion whereas government spending injects spending immediately into the economy.

But having said that, the Classical claims about crowding out are not based on these mechanisms. In fact, they assume that savings are finite and the government spending is financially constrained which means it has to seek “funding” in order to progress their fiscal plans.

The result competition for the ‘finite’ saving pool drives interest rates up and damages private spending. This is what is taught under the heading ‘financial crowding out’.

A related theory which is taught under the banner of IS-LM theory (in macroeconomic textbooks) assumes that the central bank can exogenously set the money supply. Then the rising income from the deficit spending pushes up money demand and this squeezes interest rates up to clear the money market. This is the Bastard Keynesian approach to financial crowding out.

Neither theory is remotely correct and is not related to the fact that central banks push up interest rates up because they believe they should be fighting inflation and interest rate rises stifle aggregate demand.

However, other forms of crowding out are possible.

In particular, MMT recognises the need to avoid or manage real crowding out which arises from there being insufficient real resources being available to satisfy all the nominal demands for such resources at any point in time.

In these situation, the competing demands will drive inflation pressures and ultimately demand contraction is required to resolve the conflict and to bring the nominal demand growth into line with the growth in real output capacity.

Further, while there is mounting hysteria about the problems the changing demographics will introduce to government fiscal capacity all the arguments presented are based upon spurious financial reasoning – that the government will not be able to afford to fund health programs (for example) and that taxes will have to rise to punitive levels to make provision possible but in doing so growth will be damaged.

However, MMT dismisses these “financial” arguments and instead emphasises the possibility of real problems – a lack of productivity growth; a lack of goods and services; environment impingements; etc.

Then the argument can be seen quite differently. The responses the mainstream are proposing (and introducing in some nations) which emphasise fiscal surpluses (as demonstrations of fiscal discipline) are shown by MMT to actually undermine the real capacity of the economy to address the actual future issues surrounding rising dependency ratios.

So by cutting funding to education now or leaving people unemployed or underemployed now, governments reduce the future income generating potential and the likely provision of required goods and services in the future.

The idea of real crowding out also invokes and emphasis on political issues.

If there is full capacity utilisation and the government wants to increase its share of full employment output then it has to crowd the private sector out in real terms to accomplish that. It can achieve this aim via tax policy (as an example).

But ultimately this trade-off would be a political choice – rather than financial.

Saturday, 27 October 2018

Geldschöpfung, Wachstum und Spekulation — Mathias Binswanger

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An excellent lecture (in German) about money creation, growth and speculation. Essentially Binswanger argues that economic growth depends on ongoing money creation from nothing. The conventional loanable funds theory is illogical: an economy cannot grow if investments are to be financed via savings. Savings reduce consumption, thus: what companies receive in the form of savings they will lack in terms of demand for their products. Rather investment creates savings. From new money new purchasing power is fed into the economy which fuels economic growth, and from this growing "pie" people may divert additional savings.

Creation of new money can have two effects. If the money is used for productive purposes providing us with more and better useful goods and services, the result is growth that makes us wealthier and better off in other ways.

Increasing the money supply through fiat money additionally created ex nihilo can also have negative repercussions.  If productive investment is insufficient, more money will compete for the same or even less products and services, kindling inflation. Another negative effect occurs when new money goes into speculative markets that do not add to the productive infrastructure and resource base of an economy, creating bubbles in the financial markets and related sectors (real estate). 








Sunday, 14 October 2018

Tax Revenue Comes From Funds Previously Spent By Government

Image credit: moi-même


The following assertion by Bill Mitchell has triggered a question that I (writing under the pseudonym "lector") put to the commentators and a longish and very fruitful thread of answers. I reproduce some of these contributions in the present post:

Bill Mitchell's assertion:

Taxation revenue comes from funds that the government has already spent into existence.

My question:

You write: “Taxation revenue comes from funds that the government has already spent into existence.” 
I understand, however, that the largest amount of money is created by commercial banks in the process of extending credit/loans. I assume further that it is from this money that most taxes are paid/most tax revenue stems. 
Why, then, do you not write: 
“Taxation revenue comes from funds that the government has already spent into existence as well as funds that commercial banks have lent into existence?” 
Why do MMT-texts tend to suggest that only money created by government provides the money that flows back to government as tax revenues? 
Am I overlooking something?

The various attempts to answer my question:

Writes Jerry Brown:
Lector, here is my understanding of your question. The currency issuing government probably could decide what it will accept for payments of taxes. It might decide that gold or cows or labor would fulfill a tax obligation. It might decide that a promise to pay the government’s currency in the future, or upon demand, which is what bank created money is, would be acceptable. But usually in the present time, taxes get paid through the banking payments system and obligations between parties (various commercial banks and the government) are settled by transferring reserve balances at the central bank. Since the central bank is really an arm of the government, and is the only source of these reserves, central bank reserves really are ‘government created money’.

Mel:
“[Why not] “Taxation revenue comes from funds that the government has already spent into existence as well as funds that commercial banks have lent into existence?””
Another angle, or maybe the same angle but spelled differently:
That’s not how lending works. 
When I bought my last car, the bank arranged a 5-year loan. They did NOT go to the dealer and say “It’s being payed with a 5-year loan; you’ll get the money over the next 5 years.” They paid the dealer right away, with their money. I’m paying the bank over 5 years. 
Similarly, if you borrow money to pay your taxes, the bank will cover your check to the Tax Authority right away, with money from their reserves. The loan deal between you and the bank stays between you and the bank.

lector:
Jerry Brown, larry, paulmeli, Mel and Derek Henry – I want to thank you for taking up my question. 
I can’t pursue your much appreciated contributions in this thread today or tomorrow, as I’m off on a business trip. But I shall certainly mull over your attempts at helping me. 
In the past, I’ve had a number of issues when I thought MMT has got it wrong, while it actually was right. In every case, it turned out that I had not fully grasped or inadvertently distorted the MMT position. Frequently, the problem is that I tend to smuggle in assumptions that I’m not aware of myself and that are not part of the MMT take.
Adam:
It really comes down to operation impossibility. Banks create bank money by creating bank liabilities (bank deposits). When a government initially sells a government security (bond) it only is for sale in the government’s currency (or equivalent central bank deposit). Whoever wishes to buy the government security must first therefore acquire the necessary government currency which can only come from the government via prior government spending (or from the central bank). 
As Warren (and I’m sure Bill) has said… reserve drains (tax collection & government security sales) can only happen after reserve adds (government spending or central bank lending/purchasing/direct adds).
Some Guy:
Lector: This may be the problem. You or I can pay taxes with bank money, by writing a check on our bank account. As far as you or I see, there is no difference between bank money and government money here. (Say that this tax check exhausts, closes our bank account, for simplicity) But that is not the end of the matter, which I think may be your assumption. After the federal government has accepted our tax check, the bank now owes the government. 
It is as if the government now has our account at the bank. The government wants to be paid now, wants to close this account. The only thing it will accept from the bank as payment when it closes this account is federal money, reserves that it has earlier issued. If the bank does not have the reserves to pay up immediately, it will be in debt to the government, and the discount rate – determined by the government – is the rate that the bank will be paying the federal government on its “account”. If the bank can never pay this debt, it is eventually declared insolvent by the government. 
Always, the government want’s its own money back. Rendered unto Caesar, as an ancient economist said.
Simon Cohen
In relation to Lector’s useful question and Some Guy’s excellent response can we say: 
All money is ultimately Government money because when we pay for things, reserves move around so we are, in fact, using reserves all the time. 
When a bank creates a loan, it later looks for reserves which are Government money (usually backed by repos-also a Government issued financial asset). 
So maybe this distinction between loans and Government money is otiose? The main difference being, as Derek pointed out, that one is a net asset and the other a simultaneous asset and liability but all the payments are the movement of reserves, hence Government money. 
I only appreciated this more recently when my friend Nigel Hargreaves pointed out to me that we are using reserves all the time and the ‘financial asset’ in ‘my’ account is not something parallel or separate from the reserves but ‘permission’ to use reserves. 
Keyne’s seems to say this in his Treatise on Money: 
‘The State-Money held by the central bank constitutes its “reserve” against its deposits. These deposits we may term Central Bank-Money. It is convenient to assume that all the Central Bank-Money is held by the Member Banks – in so far as it may be held by the public, it may be on the same footing as State-Money or as Member Bank-Money, according to circumstances. This Central Bank-Money plus the state money held by the Member Banks makes up the Reserves of the Member Banks, which they, in turn, hold against their Deposits. These Deposits constitute the Member Bank-Money in the hands of the Public, and make up, together with the State-Money (and Central Bank-Money, if any) held by the Public, the aggregate of Current Money. (Keynes, 1930 pp. 9–10) ‘ 
Not sure I quite get Keyne’s terminology here but he seems to support the point.
So maybe the artificial separation of this putative 97% from 3% cash is all unfounded?
Nicholas
Hi Lector 
Government spending adds to the non-government sector’s net financial assets.
Taxation reduces the non-government sector’s net financial assets. 
The non-government sector comprises the domestic non-government sector and the external sector (the rest of the world). 
The non-government sector’s net financial assets (denominated in the government’s currency) comprise three things: reserve balances, government securities, and physical cash on issue (i.e. physical cash that is held by banks, households, firms, sub-national governments, foreign governments – any entity that is not the issuer of the currency that we are talking about). 
Note that we are only talking about financial wealth, not real wealth (land, buildings, factories, equipment, tools, cars, art works – anything tangible). 
Retail bank deposits are NOT part of the net financial assets of the non-government sector. 
Why? 
Because retail bank IOUs are offset dollar for dollar by other IOUs within the non-government sector. 
When a retail bank issues its IOU (a bank deposit), a household or a firm is issuing its own IOU to the bank. The IOUs net to zero. They cancel each other out. 
Therefore ultimately households and firms pay their taxes with reserves, not with retail bank deposits. 
The government always taxes by writing down reserve balances. 
The government always spends by writing up reserve balances.
Nicholas
Hi Steve_American 
Sure, monetary units are fungible. We don’t know which particular dollar originated as government spending or as credit creation by a retail bank. And we don’t need to know. 
What matters is that only government spending can increase the net financial wealth of the non-government sector and only taxation can reduce the net financial wealth of the non-government sector. 
The government ALWAYS spends by crediting reserve accounts. 
The government ALWAYS taxes by debiting reserve accounts.

Nicholas:
So basically, you are asserting that if I borrow by getting a 2nd mortgage and therefore get bank created dollars; and then pay my taxes with them, that those dollars are magically converted into reserve dollars during the process of clearing the check. 
It isn’t magic, it’s just how the monetary system works. The government only accepts payments in its own IOUs. 
The government does not directly accept your retail bank deposit as payment of your tax liability. Your bank writes down your transaction account, and your bank instructs the central bank to write down its reserve account and to write up the Treasury’s reserve account. That’s how your taxes get paid.
Nicholas Haines:
all bank created money are liabilities to convert on demand into notes and coins
…and into reserves as well. 
The retail bank’s IOU is a promise to convert your bank deposit on demand into any of the two forms of high-powered money (reserves and physical currency). 
If you want to use your demand deposit to make a payment, your bank must honour its promise to convert your demand deposit into reserves. Your bank will write down your demand deposit, instruct the central bank to write down its reserve account and write up the reserve account of the recipient’s bank, and the recipient’s bank will write up the transaction account of the recipient. 
You can invoke this process to pay your taxes to the Treasury, make payments to individuals and businesses and organizations, move your demand deposit to a transaction account that you hold with a different bank.

And so on ... 

(5) Net Financial Assets — Demonstrating That and How "Magical" Demand Management Works

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Like other reviewers of Modern Monetary Theory (MMT), I have wondered why the school's promoters attach so much weight to the concept of net financial assets. It seems to me the answer is: by pointing out the mechanics of net financial assets it is possible to demonstrate THAT and HOW Keynesian demand-management works in its two capacities to boost and cool the economy depending on what the economic cycle demands.

Unlike the non-government sector, government has the ability to create net financial assets in the non-government sector. It is in a position to add to the balance sheet of the non-government sector financial assets that are not balanced by liabilities of the same amount. In fact, government may add financial assets without any corresponding liabilities ensuing for the beneficiaries of the financial assets. In other words, by spending into the non-government sector more than it takes out of it through taxation, government is able to lengths the sector balance sheet on the asset side, without lengthening the sector's liabilities side. Net worth being the difference between assets and liabilities, an overhang of assets over liabilities translates to an increase in net worth. Put differently: net worth is the difference between what you own and what you owe. A positive net worth means that on calling in all claims represented by one's assets and discharging all of one's liabilities, there remains a positive amount: net worth (Reinvermögen).

Thus, by deficit spending government is able to increase the non-government sector's net worth, making it more wealthy and hence more willing to and capable of spending (itself out of a crisis), strengthening effective demand and derivatively the economy.

Putting more spendable money, i e. money available for spending, into the system, government promotes (a) effective demand, (b) the ability of the non-government sector to save at it's desired level and (c) in a riskless manner — by investing in debt instruments offered by an entity (government issuing its own money) that is free from default or liquidity risk.

Conversely, when government takes more out of the economy than it spends into it, it shortens the asset overhang, reducing the net worth of the non-government sector. A government surplus is tantamount to a deficit of the non-government sector which is forced to reduce its net worth to comply with the government-ordained drain of financial assets.

Summary:

In formalising the process of creating and destroying net financial assets we are able to show that what seems magical — the creation of wealth out of nothing — is actually well within the means of government, in other words: the ability to make the non-government sector richer than it is, when it needs to be richer than it is but cannot make itself richer than it is. For instance, when debt levels are too high, spending and investment activities are too sluggish to pull the economy out of a trough.

And also the ability to make the non-government sector poorer than it is when it needs to be poorer while not being willing or able to make itself poorer — such as when the non-government sector is so rich as to take away too many resources from government (so the latter is not able to fulfil its mandate) and an inflationary bidding war between government and non-government ensues for the finite resources available in the economy.